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Having made it to the top, though, they often begin to cultivate a different image - presenting themselves as independent, self-made businesswomen and encouraging Kenyan girls to work hard and stay in school.

The millions of fans scrolling through their Instagram posts, though, are not blind. The sudden emphasis on entrepreneurship does not hide the fact that these women used their sex appeal to create opportunities in the first place.

And many - quite understandably - are attempting to apply this methodology to their own lives. One of those who has succeeded is Bridget Achieng, a woman from the sprawling Nairobi slum of Kibera, who worked as a domestic servant - a house girl - but who gained a social media following on the back of a sexy photoshoot, and then found her way on to the cast of Nairobi Diaries.

Her message to aspiring socialites, though, is that nothing is free. If one end of the sugar spectrum features young women with their sights set on a hot pink Range Rover, a luxury condo and first-class tickets to Dubai, at the other are women angling for little more than some mobile phone credit and maybe a lunch at Java coffee house.

Na which young girl no dey fear hunger? The desire not to go hungry and the desire to taste the good life can easily run side by side.

And the fortunes of a woman dependent on a sponsor can change in an instant - either for better or worse. Grace, a year-old single mum from northern Nairobi, has a regular sponsor, but is actively seeking a more lucrative relationship with a man who will invest in her career as a singer.

She is poor by the standards of middle-class Kenyans, often living hand-to-mouth, dancing for cash in a nightclub, and struggling to put her daughter through school.

But her determination to feed and educate her child coexists with a naked ambition to become rich and famous through modelling and music.

Is she driven more by vanity or poverty, aspiration or desperation? The lines are blurred. Both Grace and Jane have come of age in the last decade, bombarded since childhood with images of female status built on sex appeal.

But according to Crystal Simeoni, an expert on gender and economic policy, Kenyan society encourages sugar relationships in other ways too.

If women have become more willing to profit financially from their youth and beauty, she says, it's partly because of Kenya's gross economic inequalities, lack of social mobility, and widespread corruption.

Hard work won't get them anywhere. Michael Soi, a well-known artist whose paintings satirise Kenya's culture of transactional sex, takes a similar but more cynical view, attributing the phenomenon more to laziness and a get-rich-quick mentality than to structural injustice.

The days of waking up early and working from morning to night are behind us, he says: "Right now the ass is the new brain, and this is what you use to get what you want.

George Paul Meiu, who studies transactional relationships between men of Kenya's Samburu tribe and older European women, has described how their youth and good looks have become valuable commodities in Kenya's beach resorts.

Thanks to a set of "African warrior" stereotypes and myths about tribal sexual prowess, the Samburu and others like them are particularly appealing to both local and foreign sugar mummies.

Some Samburu villages, he says, claim they have been unable to defend themselves against cattle raids from neighbouring tribes because so many young men have migrated to the coast to become beach boys.

But as most of those dependent on sugar relationships are female, they have dominated the public debate. There are concerns about the morality of their lifestyle, but also about its consequences for their health.

Kerubo, a year-old from Kisii in Western Kenya, maintains that she has control of her relationship with her sugar daddy, Alfred.

But when I ask her about safe sex, this illusion quickly evaporates. Both Alfred and her other sponsor, James, prefer not to use condoms, she says.

In fact she has had unprotected sex with multiple sugar daddies, who then have sex with other women, as well as with their wives, exposing all of these partners to the risk of sexually transmitted diseases.

Dr Joyce Wamoyi from the National Institute for Medical Research in Tanzania says girls and young women between the ages of 15 and 24 have consistently been at higher risk of HIV infection than any other section of the population in sub-Saharan Africa.

Sugar relationships, she says, are contributing to these risks because the women who engage in them do not have the power to insist on the use of condoms.

A look at the Kenyan tabloids also suggests that women are at risk of violence from their sponsors. Jackie Phamotse, a South African businesswoman who survived an abusive relationship with a "blesser", described her experiences in a tell-all book, Bare: The Blesser's Game.

Most young women, she says, are not aware of the dangers. Phamotse eventually fled her abuser, with nothing to show for the relationship.

No-one really knows how many sugar relationships end in sexual abuse or physical harm. Kenyan academics and NGOs have made extensive studies of domestic violence, and of the risks faced by sex workers.

But on the subject of transactional sex there is no research - only the lurid anecdotes of the tabloids. Among Kenyan feminists, the rise of sponsor culture has provoked intense debate.

Does the breaking of old taboos around sex represent a form of female empowerment? Or is sponsor culture just another way in which the female body can be auctioned for the pleasure of men?

There is less slut-shaming than before. But while some feminists argue that any choice a woman makes is inherently feminist - because it was made by a woman - others question how free the choice to enter a sponsor relationship really is.

A lot of times these women don't have a choice - it's life or death. Mildred Ngesa, an ambassador for the global activist group Female Wave of Change, makes a similar argument.

After decades of women struggling for the right to vote, to own land, to go to school, she argues, the "choice" to engage in sugar relationships is steeped in contradiction.

Jane, the student, makes a distinction, arguing that "in these relationships, things are done on your terms", and Dr Kirsten Stoebenau, a social scientist who has researched transactional sex in Kenya, agrees that this is significant.

Grace, the aspiring singer struggling to put food on the table, has a slightly different perspective - to her the similarities with sex work are more apparent.

The artist Michael Soi notes that Kenya remains on the surface a religious society with traditional sexual mores - but only on the surface. Those who deplore sex before marriage and infidelity within marriage rarely practise what they preach, he argues, and the condemnation of sugar relationships is tainted by the same hypocrisy.

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